Political polarisation

Political Polarisation

VoxDevLit

Published 27.10.25
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Cesi Cruz, Horacio Larreguy, Ernesto Tiburcio, “Political Polarisation” VoxDevLit, 19(1), October 2025.
@article{cruzlarreguy2025,
author = {Cesi Cruz and Horacio Larreguy and Ernesto Tiburci},
title = {Political Polarisation},
journal = {VoxDevLit},
volume = {19},
number = {1},
month = {October},
year = {2025}
}
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Chapter 1
Summary

Political polarisation has been rising sharply in both advanced and developing democracies, with implications for democratic accountability, institutional trust, and social cohesion. This VoxDevLit reviews recent empirical research on the causes and consequences of polarisation, with a focus on implications for low- and middle-income countries. We highlight structural and institutional drivers of polarisation, as well as the role of elite strategies and changes in the information environment, particularly the role of digital and social media. We also cover a growing body of research that identifies promising interventions to counter polarisation. These range from institutional reforms to shifts in media consumption and exposure, to social contact and psychological nudges at the individual level. We assess which interventions reduce polarisation, whether effects are sustained, and how results vary by context. We conclude by identifying gaps in the literature and the importance of adapting polarisation research to the political realities of low- and middle-income countries.

Political Polarisation: Policy Summary

Why Polarisation Matters

Polarisation – ideological, issue-based, and especially affective – undermines democratic governance: it lowers trust, weakens electoral accountability, and raises policy uncertainty. These effects are often more severe in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) where institutions are weaker, media markets are less consolidated and identity cleavages (ethnic, religious, regional) overlap with party politics. Conventional policymaking in such environments can backfire; interventions must be designed for polarised contexts, not despite them.

What Drives Polarisation

Structural and societal foundations: High and salient inequality, especially when it maps onto identity cleavages, entrenches zero-sum perceptions and hardens group boundaries.

Institutions and elites: Winner-take-all incentives, weak checks and balances, and strategic elite rhetoric (incivility, out-group threat cues) amplify divisions; populist strategies thrive in distrustful environments and can further polarise after victory.

Information environment: Rapid internet diffusion and social platforms foster ideological segregation, reward emotionally charged and misleading content, and reduce cross-cutting contact. Direct causal effects of social media on polarisation vary across settings, but segregation, engagement incentives, and algorithmic amplification consistently tilt discourse towards extremes.

Psychology and emotion: Anger, fear, and moralised content boost engagement and memory, biasing how citizens process facts; motivated reasoning and confirmation bias become default filters.

Polarisation’s Consequences 

Backsliding risks: Affective polarisation lowers citizens’ tolerance for democratic norms, enabling  executive overreach and elite impunity.

Weaker accountability: Performance information is discounted or backfires among strong partisans; transparency alone does not guarantee sanctioning of malfeasance.

Economic costs: Polarisation raises policy uncertainty, depresses investment, and distorts households’ expectations – effects that are especially costly where fiscal tools and safety nets are limited.

What works (and what often does not) to counter polarisation

Promising Levers

  1. Social contact & shared identities
    • Structured, respectful cross-group contact (offline or moderated online) reduces affective animus.
    • Priming cross-cutting identities (national, professional, sports) improves openness to engagement.
  2. Psychological/meta-cognitive nudges
    • Light-touch prompts that depoliticise evaluation (e.g. “avoid reacting emotionally”, “value open-mindedness”) reduce motivated reasoning and can prevent backlash to counter-attitudinal facts.
  3. Elite cues
    • Cross-partisan signalling (bipartisan ads, joint appearances) increases willingness to engage, even if effects on hostility are modest.
  4. Information environment reforms
    • Sustained, voluntary exposure to credible cross-partisan content works better than one-off bots or forced feeds.

Mixed or limited levers

  • One-shot fact-checks and corrections: Improve specific beliefs but often fail to shift behaviour without trust and repetition, and risk backfiring in highly polarised contexts.
  • Forced cross-partisan exposure on social media: Short, artificial exposures may increase animus; sustained, credible, and user-chosen exposure performs better.
  • Transparency campaigns in isolation: In highly polarised electorates, performance audits alone may not punish incumbents – and can entrench partisans.

Implementation guidance for policymakers and practitioners

  1. Diagnose first
    • If affective polarisation dominates, prioritise contact interventions, shared-identity framing, and elite tone-setting.
    • If polarisation is issue/ideological or media-driven, invest in credible local outlets and sustained, user-driven cross-exposure.
  2. Front-load credibility
    • Identify and use trusted messengers.
    • Separate messengers from partisan brands; co-sponsor content across divides where feasible.
  3. Design for persistence and scale
    • Favour repeated touchpoints (serial messages, recurring forums, ongoing programming) over one-off events.
  4. Pre-empt backlash
    • Precede counter-attitudinal information with meta-cognitive prompts that attenuate affect and signal respect.
    • Emphasise common goals and anchor interventions in shared interests.

Research and policy gaps

  • Evidence across contexts: We need more causal work in LMICs on elite incentives, platform reforms, and mass depolarisation at scale.
  • Durability: Long-run follow-ups to distinguish fading effects from habit formation.

Bottom line

Polarisation is a governance challenge with economic and institutional costs. It is tractable, but only with context-aware strategies that (i) reduce affective polarisation, (ii) increase credible cross-group contact and information, and (iii) realign elite incentives. Success depends on trust, repetition, and legitimacy – and continuous evaluation.

Political Polarisation: Presentation of key takeaways

At our launch event, Senior Editors Cesi Cruz and Horacio Larreguy outlined the key takeaways from their review.

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Introduction

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