technology and development

Technology and Development

VoxDevLit

Published 15.06.26
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Julieta Caunedo, Tommaso Porzio, David Argente, Jaedo Choi, Yulu Tang, Danial Lashkari, Jacob Moscona, Karthik Sastry, Deivy Houeix, Federico Rossi, Luisa Cefala, Erin Kelley, Conor Walsh, “Technology and Development”, VoxDevLit 23(1), June 2026.
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Chapter 8
Future landscape and open questions

The mechanisms reviewed above apply across technologies, but the technological frontier is changing. Digital tools, modular energy systems, artificial intelligence, and new platform technologies alter the cost structure of adoption and the organisation of markets. They can make some barriers less binding, but they rarely remove the older constraints entirely. In many cases, they instead change where those constraints appear.

Digital technologies are the clearest example. They have diffused quickly in many poor countries, and they have the potential to reduce transaction, information, and monitoring costs. But their adoption still depends on complementary infrastructure, human capital, trust, and market organisation. This section first discusses what is distinctive about digital technologies, and then closes with open questions that are broader than digitalisation itself.

Digital technologies: Continuity and novelty

Digital technologies often appear to offer a form of leapfrogging. Internet use has converged substantially across the development spectrum, despite persistent income gaps (Figure 4). Once connectivity and devices are in place, digital tools can move information, payments, and records at very low marginal cost. They can therefore substitute, at least partly, for weak administrative capacity and some forms of physical intermediation. This is clearest in digital payments, digital identification, and digitally delivered government transfers, where the main gains often come from lower transaction costs, lower leakage, and better observability (Baker and Hubbard 2003, Aker et al. 2016, Suri and Jack 2016, de Rochambeau 2021, Bossuroy et al. 2025, Houeix 2025, Kala and Lyons 2025). Evidence on mobile money and agent banking also shows how digital rails interact with cash constraints and local financial intermediation (Suri et al. 2023). Digital tools can support new contract forms as well, as in PAYGo systems that use remote monitoring and lockout technologies to substitute for traditional collateral (Gertler et al. 2024, 2025a).

Figure 4: Internet adoption by 1970 quintile

Internet adoption by 1970 quintile

Notes: Average % of the population using the internet by 1970 income group. Calculated using PWT 1970 real GDP per capita quintiles and WB internet adoption data (IT.NET.USER.ZS). Sources: Feenstra et al. (2015), World Bank (2026a).

At the same time, digital technologies are not exempt from the constraints reviewed in this piece. They still require electricity, broadband, devices, and skills (Akerman et al. 2015, Hjort and Poulsen 2019, Blumenstock et al. 2022, Björkegren et al. 2025, Lang 2025). They often exhibit strong network effects, so their value depends on how many others adopt (Björkegren 2019, Brunnermeier et al. 2023, Crouzet et al. 2023, Higgins 2024, Knebelman et al. 2024, Alvarez et al. 2026). They can also create new barriers. Digital records make activity more visible to principals, regulators, or tax authorities, which may reduce private incentives to adopt even when the technology is productive (Houeix 2024, Brockmeyer and Sáenz Somarriba 2025, Houeix 2025). Digitalisation therefore changes the form of some frictions rather than eliminating them.

The evidence on digital trade and platforms points in the same direction. Digital tools can reduce search and distance frictions (Freund and Weinhold 2004, Lendle et al. 2016, Chen and Wu 2021, Akerman et al. 2022, Carballo et al. 2022), but trust, reputation, and platform design remain central. Bai et al. (2023) show that information frictions persist even in large online marketplaces. Bergquist et al. (2024) and Wiles and Houeix (2025) show that informal and relational digital tools can matter greatly where formal platform institutions remain weak. Experimental evidence on digital entrepreneurship and capital injections similarly points to both scalability and heterogeneity in who captures the gains (McKenzie 2017, Gonzalez-Uribe and Leatherbee 2018). The broad lesson is that digital technologies may be unusually scalable, but their adoption still depends on complementary infrastructure, institutional design, and human capital.

Open questions

We conclude with a few open questions on technology adoption in developing countries. Digital tools make some of these questions more visible, but the same issues arise in agriculture, manufacturing, energy, logistics, health, and services. They concern how countries move from access to use, from use to adaptation, and from adaptation to domestic innovation.

  • Distinguishing weak fundamentals from coordination failures. Persistent low adoption may reflect weak fundamentals: low demand, high costs, poor infrastructure, or a bad fit between available technologies and local conditions. It may also reflect a failure to coordinate on a high-adoption equilibrium. Distinguishing these explanations remains difficult because the counterfactual equilibrium is not observed. More evidence is needed on when temporary interventions reveal latent complementarities and when they simply subsidise technologies that are not yet productive.
  • Individual scale versus collective scale. Many technologies are indivisible, but indivisibility need not imply that only large integrated firms can use them. Rental markets, platforms, shared facilities, and industrial clusters may allow smaller firms to achieve scale collectively. We know less about when these arrangements substitute for firm scale, when they create congestion or hold-up problems, and how policy should support them. This includes the design of rental and sharing markets, public-service auctions, titling systems, and financing arrangements.
  • Infrastructure design under modular technologies. New energy and digital technologies change the optimal scale and architecture of infrastructure provision. This is especially important for electricity systems, where centralised grids, distributed generation, storage, and future industrial demand must be planned jointly rather than sequentially. Similar issues arise for broadband, payments, logistics, and other networked inputs.
  • Which human-capital margins bind, and when? Basic schooling, college education, engineering capacity, managerial capability, and youth-specific learning margins may matter at different stages of development and for different technologies. The key policy problem is not simply to expand education in general, but to identify which human-capital investments are most complementary to the technologies and firms that can actually grow.
  • Market access, capability accumulation, and global fragmentation. Market access can induce upgrading, but it can also push firms or countries towards simpler activities. This margin is becoming more important as geopolitical tensions, strategic trade restrictions, and fragmentation of global value chains reshape the older path of export-led capability accumulation. A central question is when integration helps firms climb the technology ladder and when it reallocates activity away from complex production.
  • Digital observability and the limits of substitution. Digital tools can reduce information and transaction costs, but they also generate data trails that may deter adoption when users fear surveillance, taxation, or tighter control by principals. We still know too little about when digital technologies substitute for missing infrastructure and institutions, and when they mostly amplify existing capabilities.
  • The direction of innovation under mismatch and climate change. When the main problem is not failed diffusion but the absence of locally appropriate technologies, policy has to affect the direction of innovation itself. This question is central in agriculture, health, climate adaptation, and emerging service technologies. It raises difficult issues about how to pool demand, design public R&D, and coordinate innovation across countries.

These are not small questions at the edge of the literature. They go to the core of how developing countries adopt, adapt, and create technology. The recent literature has made considerable progress in measuring adoption, identifying mechanisms, and evaluating policy. The next step is to connect those advances more tightly across fields. Technology adoption should not remain split into separate conversations about trade, firms, infrastructure, human capital, finance, and digitalisation. These margins interact in the data, and they should interact in the analysis.

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Designing market structure for technology adoption

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